View from Below: U.S. Troops in Zamboanga
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US troops working with the civilian government
On June 1, 2020, however, or eight days before the VFA termination was to take effect, the Philippine government executed a turn-around, announcing that “in light of political and other developments in the region,” the agreement was to be extended for six months with the provision for another six-month extension.
The US-PH VFA has been a controversial pact from the start. While the immediate cause of the January termination notice was the cancellation of the US visa of administration ally Senator Ronald de la Rosa, President Rodrigo Duterte, early in his term, had threatened to scrap the treaty over Washington’ repeated criticisms of his brutal anti-drug war and its extrajudicial killings. Many critics, however, have long been calling for the pact’s abrogation by filing court petitions and organizing protest actions.
The main issues raised against the VFA are the alleged unconstitutionality of provisions that do not explicitly ban US forces from bringing in nuclear weapons, that clear US soldiers from criminal liability in violations of national and local laws, and that exempt US forces from paying tariffs and taxes. Another issue has been the cases of violence perpetrated against Filipina women by American soldiers as illustrated by the murder of transgender Jennifer Laude and the rape of a certain of a Zamboanga resident named “Nicole.”
These issues and concerns bring back to my mind an interview I conducted in September 2011 with a former local government official of Zamboanga City, one of the areas where US troops have been stationed under the VFA. It brings to the surface some reservations and misgivings about the presence and conduct of US troops at the local level. What follow are highlights from that interview.
Basic Information
It is understood that the presence of American soldiers in Zamboanga City is an aftermath of the September 11, 2001 attacks in the U.S. The subsequent declaration by then US President George W. Bush of a “war on terror” provided the framework for the Visiting Forces Agreement. The US troops started arriving in 2002 and never left. Zamboanga city officials thought that the US troops were in the country for military exercises only.
There are three American camps in Zamboanga – in Calarian at the Westmincom headquarters, the Edwin Andrews Air Force Base in Sta. Maria, and in Malagutay. The soldiers are known to move from one camp to the other. The troops used to be under the command of a certain US General Wooster (?), but today, a lower ranked officer is in charge, probably just a captain.
Since the troops are not allowed to build permanent facilities, they only constructed semi-permanent structures, their quarters consisting only of modified container vans. There is a semi-permanent mini-hangar, but the parking area for their planes and helicopters is made of more permanent materials.
Nobody knows how many American soldiers are stationed in Zamboanga. Even the then deputy head of the Western Mindanao Command (Westmincom), is in the dark. The unconfirmed estimated number, however, is about 150 soldiers as of 2011. From Zamboanga, they are sent elsewhere, e.g., Basilan, Jolo, Marawi, Maguindanao.
American “special forces” initially undertook “cultural sensitivity” training seminars at Westmincom handled by Philippine government offices such as Department of Social Work and Development (DSWD), the local government and the Western Mindanao State University.
Initially, US soldiers were confined to the camp and, as a rule, were not allowed out. They would hold weekly barbecue parties and local government officials would be invited. The Americans generally keep a low profile. Their officers have rare public appearances, but sometimes attend official local government functions like commemorative programs. On some occasions, they hold special dinners at a popular beach resort – the La Vista del Mar, owned by the Lobregat family.
US troops keeping fit
The Dyncorp Contracting Firm
In Zamboanga, the US troops employ the services of a US private contracting firm, Dyn Corporation (Dyncorp) which takes care of their food supplies and vehicle needs, including planes and helicopters while they are in the Philippines. The company is run by ex-US military personnel. This is similar to arrangements in other conflict areas, e.g., Afghanistan and Iraq.
Dyncorp, a private US company, is in effect, doing business in the country, but does not pay or is exempted from paying taxes to the Philippine government. Its officials claim that they provide something like $20,000 a month to the local economy because they hire Filipino staff and purchase their supplies locally. Some of these Filipino staff are also sent to other war-torn areas such as Iraq and Afghanistan.
Dyncorp thus has a global reach; wherever there are US troops, it is also there to provide contracted services.
The question is why does the US hire the services of an American company for its troops’ food needs when the services required can also be provided by a Filipino company? The standard reply is that the Americans have certain “nutritional requirements” that can only be fulfilled by another American firm. In the beginning, local food caterers were tried, but their concoctions apparently did not pass American culinary standards. American soldiers pay for their meals in a Dyncorp-run cafeteria. Surprisingly, the cafeterias employ Filipino cooks. The question, however, is whether these business transactions are reported to the city authorities and if food and beverage taxes are paid. The most likely answer is “no.”
“In Zamboanga, the US troops employ the services of a US private contracting firm, Dyn Corporation (Dyncorp) which takes care of their food supplies and vehicle needs. Dyncorp, a private US company, is in effect, doing business in the country, but does not pay or is exempted from paying taxes to the Philippine government.”
Public Perceptions
Certain benefits to the community, however, are appreciated, such as infrastructure improvements, e.g., the cementing of roads in the camps. If a survey were to be conducted, Zamboanga residents would probably vote favorably for the retention of the US troops because “they feel safe with the presence of the Americans.”
Some US soldiers have taken part in “community relations” programs to “win the hearts and minds” of the Zamboanga community – health-related outreach missions (medical, dental, nursing), visits to orphanages, etc. But a dialogue had to be held with city officials because these medical outreach missions were being conducted without informing or coordinating with local authorities even if these had local partners, e.g., the Rotary Club. As a result of this dialogue, the US now coordinates with the city government when they go on their missions. By 2011, however, these medical missions became limited, rare, and sporadic. Perhaps because the goal of winning hearts and minds has been achieved?
"Winning hearts and minds" of schoolchildren in Zamboanga
From another source, this time in Maguindanao, US troops are said to be popular among local communities because of their “Operation Libreng Tule” (Free Circumcision) Program. Young and old alike avail of the services, which include post-operative medication such as antibiotics.
In Zamboanga, when one local official once questioned the US troops’ presence in the city, this person was publicly criticized.
Some complaints and issues
A number of complaints, however, have arisen about the American troops’ presence and conduct in Zamboanga. When they started operations, the vehicles they used had no plate numbers. The City Council filed a complaint, and the reply was that it was for security reasons; to which the Filipino officials retorted, “Well, we too have security concerns yet we use plate numbers in our vehicles.”
Later, some US soldiers or Dyncorp personnel were seen visiting popular nightspots such as disco bars. There have been reports of abusive behavior in traffic accidents involving American soldiers out on their night-time furlough. The wives of Filipino officers have also reported that Filipina prostitutes have been seen being brought inside the camp to service the US soldiers.
In 2008, the House of Representatives Defense Committee investigated a reported incident involving a large US cargo plane that landed at the Zamboanga airport unloading helicopters. Since the airport had no large-enough hangar, the plane parked on the runway overnight. A heavy downpour that night caused the runway asphalt to be damaged as it could not bear the weight of the US plane.
Another complaint from the city government involving the airport was the exemption accorded to the US and Dyncorp planes from paying landing fees, supposedly in accordance with the VFA provisions. This was the opinion supposedly rendered by the Philippine Department of Foreign Affairs. The problem is that this deprives the local government of income and funds for airport runway maintenance and repair.
Still on the airport issue, US planes and choppers have been known to land and take off at any time of the day and night even when there are no air traffic controllers on duty. The latter personnel were off duty by 11 p.m. due to the downgrading of the Zamboanga airport during the administration of Gloria Macapagal Arroyo in line with a “regional transfer” program. The coming and going of the US planes without proper air traffic control endangered both the airport facilities and the surrounding community.
Although generally, Zamboanga residents have no problem with the presence of US troops, there are Moro civil society groups that have questioned their presence. The latter point to a news report by the local media of a US military training exercise in Jolo, where the indiscriminate firing of weapons resulted in injury to a wood gatherer.
But local officials ask what the long-term plan is for the American presence as they see none. The US presence is to support the Philippine government’s war against terror. The Americans claim not to be involved in direct military operations; they just point to where the enemy is and let Philippine troops take care of the matter (“Talli el enemigo. Camo ya lang cuidao [The enemy is there. You take care of it]).
There is an added perception among some local quarters that perhaps there really is a need to review the terms of the VFA so that Filipino troops “are not disadvantaged or left behind” and that the benefits are really “mutual” and not one-sided. On the other hand, there is also the felt need for continued US presence to counter the increased activities of Chinese, Malaysian and Indonesian business interests, including in unwanted mining activities.
In a public forum in Cotabato, when asked why US troops are in Mindanao, a US Embassy political affairs officer, a certain Timothy Cipullo, replied: “America is here to protect its own interests.”
A class picture of US troops in Zamboanga
Mystery of returning retired VFA personnel
Another issue of concern is the return of retired American officers (some still quite young) who served in the Philippines under the pre-VFA Joint Special Operations Task Force (JSOPF). One claimed to be in town to conduct training of Philippine Air Force personnel, but upon inquiry with the Air Base commander, the latter denied that such training is being conducted. The American ex-serviceman also claimed that he was marketing a telephone device with a special software and was interested in infrastructure projects of the city government.
US troops training the local military (Photo courtesy of Joint Special Operations Task Force-Philippines)
Local officials are suspicious of these characters and are wary of being closely associated with them because their motives and activities are a mystery and they apparently do not have any official accountability. Are they US intelligence operatives (CIA) or Americans simply looking for business opportunities using contacts gained during their previous VFA tour of duty, raising ethical questions? If so, then the VFA becomes a vehicle for the entry of American businesses in the country that do not go through legal and official procedures and that rely mostly on personal contacts, or what may be considered a form of rent-seeking.
At this point, the 2011 interview with the former local official ended. Since this was conducted nine years ago, it would be interesting to find out if the concerns raised against the presence of US troops in Zamboanga have been properly addressed. More important, do the people of Zamboanga still feel positive about the presence of foreign soldiers in their city?
US troops learn Chavacano
A February 9, 2002 news item in the Manila Bulletin reported that US troops “contracted a US firm to translate four pages of a document called ‘Special Travel Project’ into Tausug and Spanish for use by their special forces in Basilan and Zamboanga.” It was thought that Spanish would do since it is supposedly “nearest to Chavacano,” which is the main spoken language in Zamboanga City and Basilan.
I will not go into the false thinking behind this assumption; suffice it to say that “Spanish” and “Chavacano” are two different and distinct languages. While there are common words and phrases, it does not follow that knowing one language will necessarily make one equally conversant in the other.
In any case, the news item explained that the need to learn the local language was for “emergency situations when needed for survival, such as while wounded or lost.” A sample of the English sentences requiring translation was given thus:
"I am an American and do not speak your language. I will not harm you! I bear no malice toward your people. My friend, please provide me food, water, shelter and necessary medical attention. Also provide me safe passage to the nearest friendly forces of any country supporting the Americans or their allies. You will be rewarded for assisting me when you present this number to American authorities.”
About ten years later, I came across a similar document, this time specifically requiring translation into Chavacano and containing more specific phrases that could be used by American troops in Zamboanga and Basilan. This was probably an updated version of the 2002 document reported by the Bulletin. Under the first classification of “Basic Commands” are these phrases: “We are coalition forces; Follow Our Orders! Stop! Stop or I’ll shoot! Put your weapon down! Drop your weapon! Hands up! Surrender! Lie down! Get up! Don’t move! Where is the airfield? Where is the enemy camp? Do you have any ammunition? My magazine is empty.”
There are also phrases classified under “Curfew Enforcement” such as “You are breaking the curfew. Are you hiding anything illegal? Get out of your vehicle. Since you broke the law, we have to arrest you.”
For “Checkpoints” we have the following: “Please step out of the vehicle. Stop the vehicle. Stay away from the vehicle. Come with me. Form a line. Raise your hands!”
Finally, under “Search and Capture of Persons,” are the following: “We must search you. Women and children in this room. Please move to the personal search area. You are free to go now. You are under arrest. I must inspect all possessions you have. You are a prisoner. I will put a capture tag on you. Do not move. No signaling to each other. We are conducting this interrogation to gather military intelligence.”
“From another source, this time in Maguindanao, US troops are said to be popular among local communities because of their “Operation Libreng Tule” (Free Circumcision) Program.”
What VFA is all about
The above phrases and commands are obviously intended for the use of troops undertaking combat duty or direct involvement in combat operations. If actually used, they would be incompatible with the spirit and letter of the 1998 VFA and its subsequent complement, the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA). A U.S. Embassy announcement of January 20, 2006 reported that
“Since its signing in 1998, the U.S. and the Philippines have conducted dozens of joint military exercises, training tens of thousands of U.S. and Philippine soldiers. These exercises have brought significant humanitarian assistance and community service to the Philippines. For example, during one recent joint military exercise - "Talon Vision/PHIBLEX" - around 5,000 U.S. and Philippine soldiers trained together to improve interoperability and readiness, building professional relationships among our military forces. During the exercise, U.S. and Philippine soldiers renovated schools and classrooms in the Tarlac area, donated computers and school supplies, and provided free medical and dental services to more than 2,000 Philippine citizens. The VFA also governs the status of U.S. troops participating in disaster relief activities, such as the soldiers, sailors, airmen, and Marines who helped ferry relief supplies to the stricken provinces of Quezon and Aurora in December 2004.”
The 1998 VFA was complemented by a 2014 agreement called the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA) and the Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) outlined the following areas of cooperation:
1. Interoperability
2. Capacity building towards AFP modernization
3. Strengthening AFP for external defense
4. Maritime Security
5. Maritime Domain Awareness
6. Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Response (HADR)
To implement the above, the DFA further reported that the following will be undertaken: “(1) joint training exercises such as Balikatan, (2) “humanitarian assistance and disaster relief cooperation, (3) construction of facilities and infrastructure upgrades; and (4) storage and prepositioning of defense and HADR equipment, supplies and materiél.”
The deployment of foreign troops for direct combat operations within the country is, of course, prohibited under the Philippine Constitution. Based on official pronouncements by both Philippine and US officials it is crystal clear to them that US soldiers are not, under any conditions, to engage in combat operations. Whether the Chavacano-translated phrases meant for combat duties enumerated above have been actually used by American soldiers in war-torn areas in Zamboanga and Basilan is anybody’s guess. There have been reports, however, of direct US military involvement in both the 2015 Mamasapano clashes and the 2017 Marawi siege but none in the 2013 MNLF-initiated street battles in Zamboanga City.
The extension of the VFA will end in December 2020. Will the Duterte government finally fulfill the pledge to end US military presence in the country and thus usher in a new era of political and military alliances with other regional powers? The country awaits with bated breath.
Eduardo Tadem
Eduardo C. Tadem, Ph.D., is convenor of the University of the Philippines Center for Integrative and Development Studies, Program on Alternative Development (UP CIDS AltDev) and a retired UP Professor of Asian Studies. This article is based on a lecture delivered at a public forum on the US-PH Visiting Forces Agreement held at the University of the Philippines Diliman on September 12, 2011.
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